#delimitation #Womensreservation and #Muslimpopulation - a study

 

There were comments by some friends that delimitation due to increase in population was primarily due to the increase in Muslim Population. They were suggesting that opposition to delimitation on the basis of population would go against the interests of the minorities (Muslims).  This was another spin like saying that opposition to delimitation was against women’s reservation.  Though those who propounded this theory were not those who were very friendly to Muslim cause, (as much as they were not really for the cause of women’s reservation) it becomes necessary to investigate into this propagation with the statistics available on population studies in India, because, this is one of the most often propagated factors against the Muslims of India. 

 

For the above study, I have taken the data from the following sources:

Census figures of 1971 and 2011

Population growth and religious composition

Hate Buster: Muslims and the Myth of Polygamy in India

The Law on Polygamy among religious groups in India

 

Based on the above data, the following 14 states and Union Territories in Chart 1, have a Muslim population of 10% or higher, as per the 2011 Census

Chart 1

 

 

Now, among the above 14 states and Union Territories, the following (refer Chart 2) recorded a population growth rate exceeding the national average of 19.22% in the 2011 Census.

Chart 2

Even among the six states/ UTs in Chart 2 (except for J&K) where the decadal population growth rate (2001-11) has been above the national growth rate, the Muslim population does not exceed 20%. The total rate of population increase being more than that means that the increase in population rate in these states cannot be attributed to the Muslim population alone.

In the case of Jammu & Kashmir, although the Muslim population constitutes about 68%—significantly higher than the national average of 14%—the population growth rate is 23.17%, which is only about four percentage points higher than the national average growth rate of 19.22%.

In respect of the following states (refer Chart 3), though they have a Muslim Population of 10% or more, their share in the national population has not increased, rather significantly decreased, between the 1971 Census and 2011 Census.  And, as per 2011 census it is not more than the national growth rate of 19.22%.

Chart 3

 

In Chart 3, it may be seen that Assam, Gujarat, Karnataka, Maharashtra and West Bengal are larger states. All the above states have 10% or more of Muslim population. In particular, the percentage of Muslim population in Kerala and West Bengal are 27% each. In spite of that, their rate of population increase is significantly lesser than the national rate. From the above statistics, it could be seen that the Muslim population has nothing to do with rate of increase in population of each state.

 

While the above three charts are clear indicators of the fact that more Muslim population is not directly proportional to the population growth rate, let us consider states and UTs which are home to less than 10% Muslim population. Chart 4 shows that in states and UTs where there is less than 10% of Muslim population, the population growth rate as per 2011 Census was more than the national growth rate of 19.22% or around the same rate.

Chart 4

It is to be noted that out of the above, Madhya Pradesh (7% Muslim population) and Rajasthan (9% Muslim Population) are bigger states.

 

Thus, what could be seen from the above discussed data is that some states have higher population increase rate, irrespective of whether their Muslim Population is more or not and essentially these are seen to be states which are backward in economic development when compared to the states where the population increase rate is lesser. 

 

Further, while the Hindu growth rate declined from 24% (1971–81) to 16.70% (2001–11), the Muslim growth rate during the same periods has been at 30.7% and 24.7%, respectively. Notably, there are certain states where the overall population growth rate has not decreased substantially across these periods and where a significant Muslim population is present. These include: Bihar with 17% Muslim population, Jammu & Kashmir with 69% Muslim population, Jharkhand with 15% Muslim population and Uttar Pradesh at 19% Muslim population.

Chart 5

The above Chart 5 suggests that the growth rate has not declined substantially in these states, and this trend appears to apply to both Muslims and non-Muslims (excluding J&K since the state (now 3) has a major Muslim population).

 

Now, coming to a comparison of the increase in the Muslim population in the entire country, vis-à-vis states, it is seen that the percentage was 11.21% in 1971 while it rose to 14% in 2011. The increase is by 2.79%. However, when this is examined state wise, for the same period, it is seen that in the following states, the percentage increase is more than the national percentage increase of 2.79%. 

 

The percentage increase in Muslim population between 1971 and 2011 is given within brackets: Assam (9.97), Bihar (3.52), Chandigarh (3.55), Delhi (6.53), Goa (4.24), Haryana (2.96) and West Bengal (6.54).

 

Yet, data shows that apart from Bihar (25.07%) and Delhi (20.96%), all the other states and UTs have had an overall growth rate lesser than the national average of 19.22%. Particularly, in Assam, where the percentage of Muslim population has increased by 9.97% (much higher than the states mentioned above), their growth rate for 2001-11 is only 16.93%, lesser than the national growth rate for the period.

 

These data further substantiate that the increase in population of a state is not directly a consequence of the increase in Muslim Population. So, linking the factor of population increase in different states to their Muslim population does not appear to have a proper basis.

 

As per the PEW research organization, based on study of the census figures from 1951 to 2011:

“Growth rates have declined for all of India’s major religious groups, but the slowdown has been more pronounced among religious minorities, who outpaced Hindus in earlier decades. Between 1951 and 1961, the Muslim population expanded by 32.7%, 11 percentage points more than India’s overall rate of 21.6%. But this gap has narrowed. From 2001 to 2011, the difference in growth between Muslims (24.7%) and Indians overall (17.7%) was 7 percentage points. India’s Christian population grew at the slowest pace of the three largest groups in the most recent census decade – gaining 15.7% between 2001 and 2011, a far lower growth rate than the one recorded in the decade following Partition (29.0%).”

 

The above analysis indicates that more than religion, it is literacy and economic factors that determine the population growth among various communities and the more literate states are seen to have lesser growth rates.

 

To verify the above, we go into the literacy levels of the states where the growth rate of population is more than the national growth rate.  We find that the following states (Chart 6) where the population growth rates are more than the national population growth rate of 19.92% are also below the national literacy rate of 74.04%. 

Chart 6

In the case of Delhi, although the literacy rate (86.21%) is higher than the national average, the population growth rate (20.96%) also exceeds the national growth rate. This may indicate substantial migration into the national capital from economically and socially weaker states.

In contrast, in Kerala and West Bengal where the Muslim population is approximately 27% in each state, the population growth rates are significantly lower than the national average. This is likely attributable to Kerala’s literacy rate, which is considerably higher than the national average and that of West Bengal which also has a higher literacy rate than the national average.

 

Thus, it can be clearly observed that literacy, rather than religion, is the primary factor influencing population growth at both the state and the national level.

 

Now, we come to the question of the polygamy among Muslims: Turning to the issue of polygamy among Muslims, available data suggests that the practice is not confined to any one community. Statistics indicate that polygamy exists across different religions and regions in India.

 

According to the National Family Health Survey-5 (2019–20), the prevalence of polygamy was 2.1% among Christians, 1.9% among Muslims, 1.3% among Hindus, and 1.6% among other groups. The data also shows that polygynous marriages are more common in certain Northeastern states, particularly in areas with significant tribal populations. In fact, 40 districts with the highest polygyny rates are those with a high population of tribal communities.

 

Seen in this light, the idea that polygamy among Muslims is a major driver of population growth in that community appears to be another exaggeration. The same study also points to instances of men converting to Islam in order to take advantage of Personal Law provisions that permit more than one marriage.

 

Only when the nation is out of such blinker like statements, even among learned people, that Muslim predominance in the country is one of the reasons for low performance on economic front, can we really make progress by addressing real issues. 

 

Hence, instead of wasting our resources and energy in increasing the number of seats in Parliament and Legislatures to represent the people, it will be more beneficial to invest in education, health care, etc., which will have a long-term benefit for the citizens of the country.

(Note: I should thank Ms. Dharani Thangavelu for helping me in preparing and presenting the graphs for ease of understanding the statistics)

 

 

 

 

 

What is in our hands?

 

A group of students were asked to write an essay on the incident of Jesus turning water into wine.

While all others were busy filling up their papers, one student was just enjoying himself without writing anything. Just as the invigilator was taking back the papers, he scribbled just one line and gave it to him. That paper was adjudged as the best.

He had written, “The water met its Master, and blushed”.

The student was Byron.

#SwamiRamaTirtha, cites the above instance, in a lecture delivered on 20th December 1902 at San Francisco.

 

I was instantaneously reminded about the following poem of #Tagore (in #Fruitgathering):

    “No: it is not yours to open buds into blossoms.
    Shake the bud, strike it; it is beyond your power to make it blossom.
    Your touch soils it, you tear its petals to pieces and strew them in the dust.
    But no colours appear, and no perfume.
    Ah! it is not for you to open the bud into a blossom.
    He who can open the bud does it so simply.
    He gives it a glance, and the life-sap stirs through its veins.
    At his breath the flower spreads its wings and flutters in the wind.
    Colours flush out like heart-longings, the perfume betrays a sweet secret.
    He who can open the bud does it so simply.”

 

#Jesus himself had said, “Neither shalt thou swear by thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black.” Matthew 5:36)

 

Dr. B.R. #Ambedkar, discusses the above problem with regard to Social requirements, in his lecture on #Ranade, #Gandhi and #Jinnah, delivered on 18th January 1943.

He says: 

    “There are those who assert that however great a man may be, he is a creature of Time-Time called him forth. Time did everything, he did nothing. Those who hold this view, in my judgment, wrongly interpret history. There have been three different views on the causes of historical changes. We have had the Augustinian theory of history, according to which history is only an unfolding of a divine plan in which mankind is to continue through war and suffering until that divine plan is completed at the day of judgment. There is the view of Buckle who held that history was made by Geography and Physics. Karl Marx propounded a third view. According to him history was the result of economic forces. None of these three would admit that history is the biography of great men. Indeed they deny man any place in the making of history. No one except theologians accepts the Augustinian theory of history. As to Buckle and Marx, while there is truth in what they say, their views do not represent the whole truth. They are quite wrong in holding that impersonal forces are everything and that man is no factor in the making of history. That impersonal forces are a determining factor cannot be denied. But that the effect of impersonal forces depends on man must also be admitted. Flint may not exist everywhere. But where it does exist, it needs man to strike flint against flint to make fire. Seeds may not be found everywhere. But where they do exist, it needs man to ground it to powder and make it a delectable and nutritious paste and thereby lay the foundation of agriculture. There are many areas devoid of metals. But where they do exist, it needs a man to make instruments and machines which are the basis of civilization and culture. 

    Take the case of social forces. Various tragic situations arise. One such situation is of the type described by Thayer in his biography of Theodore Roosevelt when he says : 

    “There comes a time in every sect, party or institution when it stops growing, its arteries harden, its         young men see no visions, its old men dream no dreams ; it lives on the past and desperately tries to       perpetuate the past. In politics when this process of petrifaction is reached we call it Bourbonism         and the sure sign of the Bourbon is that, being unconscious that he is the victim of sclerosis, he sees     no reason for seeking a cure. Unable to adjust himself to changed and new conditions he falls back i       into the past as an old man drops into his worm-out arm-chair.” 

    The other kind of situation is not one of decay but of destruction. The possibilities of it are always present whenever there is a crisis. The old ways, old habits and old thoughts fail to lift society and lead it on. Unless new ones are found there is no possibility of survival. No society has a smooth sailing. There are periods of decay and possibilities of destruction through which every society has to pass. Some survive, some are destroyed, and some undergo stagnation and decay. Why does this happen? What is the reason that some survive ? Carlyle has furnished an answer. He puts in his characteristic way: 

    “No time need have gone to ruin, could it have found a great enough, a man wise and good enough;     Wisdom to discern truly what the Time wanted, valour to lead it on to the right road thither, these are     the salvation of any Time.” 

    This seems to me to be quite a conclusive answer to those who deny man any place in the making of history. The crisis can be met by the discovery of a new way. Where there is no new way found, society goes under. Time may suggest possible new ways. But to step on the right one is not the work of Time. It is the work of man. Man therefore is a factor in the making of history and that environmental forces whether impersonal or social if they are the first are not the last things."


The question that arises is that, though it is essential that a seed that is sown has to be watered, which is it that decides which of the seeds would be watered and even if so watered, which of them would survive, how long and bear fruits.

The eternal question of challenge and response propounded by #ArnoldToynbee remains.  It is like Dr. Ambedkar said, for Man to respond.

 

#unconstitutionalpromises?

 

The proposed 131st amendment to the Constitution is given as image.

It could be seen that Article 81 (1) which fixes the maximum number of seats in the Lok Sabha is sought to be amended to increase it.  Irrespective of the monetary burden it is likely to put on the exchequer, it is after all a call to be taken by the Parliament in its competence. 

Now, how the total number to be increased is to be distributed among different States and UTs is the question.

Article 81 (2) reads as under:

"(2) For the purposes of sub-clause (a) of clause (1),—

(a) there shall be allotted to each State a number of seats in the House of the People in such manner that the ratio between that number and the population of the State is, so far as practicable, the same for all States; and

(b) each State shall be divided into territorial constituencies in such manner that the ratio between the population of each constituency and the number of seats allotted to it is, so far as practicable, the same throughout the State:

Provided that the provisions of sub-clause (a)of this clause shall not be applicable for the purpose of allotment of seats in the House of the People to any State so long as the population of that State does not exceed six millions."

As per Article 81 (2) (a) "there shall be allotted to each State a number of seats in the House of the People in such manner that the ratio between that number and the population of the State is, so far as practicable, the same for all States", which means that there cannot be a differential yardstick in allotting seats for each state based on the population of each state. THIS IS NOT SOUGHT TO BE AMENDED.

It could be seen that Article 81 (3) reads as below as on date:

"(3) In this article, the expression ―population means the population as ascertained at the last preceding census of which the relevant figures have been published:

Provided that the reference in this clause to the last preceding census of which the relevant figures have been published shall, until the relevant figures for the first census taken after the year 2026 have been published, be construed,—

(i) for the purposes of sub-clause (a) of clause (2) and the proviso to that clause, as a reference to the 1971 census; and

(ii) for the purposes of sub-clause (b)of clause (2) as a reference to the 2001 census."

As per the above existing provision, 'for the purposes of sub- clause (a) of clause (2) and the proviso to that clause, as a reference to the 1971 census".

Now, in the present proposal, the above is sought to be amended by "'Population' means the population ascertained at such census, as Parliament may by law determine, of which the relevant figures have been published"

Thus, it could be seen that with the above proposal to amend Article 81 (3), the right to determine which census is to be used is taken away from the Constitutional ambit and given to the Parliament, which could be decided by a simple majority. This will nullify the subsequent provisio in the same Article regarding applicability of 1971 Census.  

Without applying the Census of 1971, it is not possible to allot the seats to all States in the present ratio, as per Article 81 (2).

Now, to make it unambiquous, Article 82 is sought to be amended.

Present Article 82 reads as "Readjustment after each census". Now this is sought to be amended as "Readjustment of Constituencies".

Next, the said Article which as on date reads as

"Upon the completion of each census, the allocation of seats in the House of the People to the States and the division of each State into territorial constituencies shall be readjusted by such authority and in such manner as Parliament may by law determine"

is sought to be amended as :

"The allocation of seats in the House of the People to the States and the division of each State into territorial constituencies shall be readjusted in such manner and on the basis of such Census by the Delimitation Commission and in such manner as Parliament may by law determine"

As per the above amendment, a Delimitation Commission is to be brought in. The nature of the Commission, its constitution, the terms of reference, the conditions of service of the members of the Commission, etc will be decided later by a simple majority because it will not be a Constitutional amendment. Thus, with this amendment, again the necessity of having 2/3 rd majority for such things is sought to be done away with.

Now we come to the next proposed amendment. 

The third provisio in Article 82 is sought to be omitted.

The said provisio as on date is as follows:
"Provided also that until the relevant figures for the first census taken after the year 2026 have been published, it shall not be necessary to readjust—

(i) the allocation of seats in the House of the People to the States as readjusted on the basis of the 1971 census; and

(ii) the division of each State into territorial constituencies as may be readjusted on the basis of the 2001 census, under this article."

The year 2026 in the above provisio was inserted by the 84th amendment in 2002. Before that, the year was 2001. The reason was that the relevance of 1971 census was extended upto 2001 and then upto 2026. That is why the sub clause to the said Provisio that 'the allocation of seats in the House of the People to the States as readjusted on the basis of the 1971 census' continued to be in vogue.

Now, with the proposal to delete the above Provisio, the basis of 1971 census is taken away and the last census for which figures are available are only 2011 (because due to COVID no Census could be conduced in 2021) and when the Article 81 (2) (a) stipulates that "there shall be allotted to each State a number of seats in the House of the People in such manner that the ratio between that number and the population of the State is, so far as practicable, the same for all States", it is clear that the promises made by the ruling party on the floor of the Parliament and outside that the number of seats for the states which have controlled their population in accordance with the Government (previous?) Policies will not stand to loose if delimitation is done on the basis of 2011 census, is TOTALLY UNCONSITUTIONAL, if these amendments are passed.

And a smoke screen is created for this by linking it to Womens Reservation, when that bill was separately passed in 2023 itself.

The problem is that this can be seen only with those with eyes and willingness to see.

#Delimitation bill and limiting of rights of some states

The Constitutional (131st Amendment) Bill is being introduced in the Lok Sabha.  This is done when assembly elections are underway and poling in Tamil Nadu and West Bengal are yet to be completed.

There has already been an apprehension that if the delimitation of Parliamentary constituencies are done on the basis of 2011 Census instead of the 1971 Census as is currently in vogue for the existing Lok Sabha, those states which have not given priority to family planning and have allowed their population to grow alone would stand to gain and those states which have properly controlled population growth in the past decades will lose in representation in terms of membership in the Lok Sabha.

The current amendment is being tagged along with the women's Reservation bill proposing to ensure 33% of the seats in the Lok Sabha to women Parliamentarians.

Thus the total number of seats in the current Lok Sabha which is 543 is proposed to be increased to 815.  

If 33% of 815 (269) is reduced from the total, it will come to 546, which is roughly the present strength of the Lok Sabha.  When we consider that there are 74 women MPs in the current Lok Sabha, the above increase of seats will ensure that these 74 seats also may go to male MPs once the proposed bill is passed and elections are conducted to the new Lok Sabha under the amended provisions.  

If the proposal to increase the Lok Sabha seats was only to enable women's reservation, the number of seats for each State and UT should have been proposed to be increased in the same ratio or proportion as the whole.

There is a 50% increase of the total proposed.  But, when the seats are to be decided based on the 2021 census, it is not uniform, for the reason that population growth has been different in different states for reasons already stated above.

Further, Article 81 (1) and (3) are sought to be amended.  81 (2) reads that the states have representation as per the population of each state. Further it is under the Provisio to 81 (3) that the census of 1971 was held as the basis.  With amendment to 81 (3) that goes and what remains is that the Parliament may decide on which ever Census where published data is available.  Similarly, the third provisio to Article 82 which specifically stated that 1971 census shall be the basis is sought to be omitted in the proposed amendment.  Thus, it becomes clear that 1971 census will not have any bearing on the new delimitation exercise sought to be achieved through this amendment. 

Now, from some messages, I felt that the opposition to giving more seats to those stated which did not control population is being given a new twist, on question of 'secularism'.  It would give a hidden meaning as if whether it is for or against increase in population of Muslims.  For this perversion of an argument, first and foremost, one requires to see various studies that have shown that the rate of increase of Muslim Population is also reducing, unlike what is portrayed by right wingers for political purposes. As per the research paper by PEW Research Center the following patterns are observed:

(a) Slowing Growth Rates: The Muslim population growth rate has dropped from 29.5% (1991–2001) to 24.6% (2001-2011).

(b) Fertility Rates: Although Muslims have a higher population growth rate, their fertility rates are falling at the fastest rate among all major religious groups in India, suggesting a trend towards demographic stabilization.

Let us remember that there was no Census in 2021 due to COVID. 

Secondly, economic studies always have pointed out that poverty and illiteracy are the main reasons for population increase.  These factors are definitely not unique to one community alone.  And if at all one community is allowed to lag behind on these factors, then it is to be addressed by progressive measures.

And no one knowing the BJP would believe that it is to benefit the Muslim community, which they say are not adhering to birth control methods, that the above delimitation is being proposed by them.

The chart below would show which states stand to gain and which states stand to lose when 2011 census is applied for the delimitation for the new lok sabha. 

The above statistics would show which areas will suffer from being under-represented in the Lok Sabha, if the 2011 census is adopted for the above exercise.

The solution will be only to have a uniform increase of 50% of the present strength of all states so that women's reservation is achieved and the purpose of having built a new Parliamentary Building with more seating capacity is also achieved, not withstanding what was spent on the building and what will be the net expenditure for the POOR Government due to the increase of 50% of the strength. (This Government has not been able to pay the DA which was frozen during the COVID and has not been able to restore the concession for Senior Citizens in the Railways, which was also withdrawn during the COVID.  

This Government has also laid down in the terms of reference of the 8th CPC that the CPC should consider the following also:

(i) The economic conditions in the country and the need for fiscal prudence;

(ii) The need to ensure that adequate resources are available for developmental expenditure and welfare measures;

(iii) The unfunded cost of non-contributory pension schemes;

And, last but not the least, it was the BJP Government which withdrew the Family Planning Allowance to the Government Employees, in 2017, which was all along being promoted to ensure small family norms to contain population growth.

Thus, the writing on the wall with the above amendment would be that we will be turning our back on time tested economic criteria for ensuring growth and wellbeing of the society.

Once this is passed, Union Government could be run by concentrating on a hand full of States alone.  That is not democracy but oligarchy.

Reply to the felicitations upon retirement

Reply to the felicitations in Tamil  (Video)

Dear friends,

When I thought of inviting all friends, retired and serving for a lunch, it was just a thanks giving – for having traveled along with you all so long in the department.

But Kannabiran, Mahi, Sathish, Uma Sivadasan, Shalini and Priyadarshini, perhaps with the hidden hand of persons like Hari and Murali sir made it a function, which I had not intended or thought of.  When Kannabiran told me that there could be a get together, I just thought it will be an occasion for people to meet each other and exchange pleasantries.  Then, the function became quite a formal one almost.

I felt like I had an obligation then to respond to some of the observations made during the speeches in the function.  But since time was short and since I did not want to make people wait any longer for the lunch (the real purpose for which I had in fact invited them) I had to cut short my speech.

Thereafter, in the group there were some observations that I could post a message, containing the unspoken part of my speech and there was also a suggestion that I make it into a video and post it.

I could not get time for the same.  There was another dilemma facing me – what language to adopt.

So I have decided to type it out in English and speak in Tamil so that there will not be communication gaps.

At the outset, once again I thank one and all for having graced the occasion, in spite of it being a holiday.  Thanks once again for the lavish gifts, in the form of articles or generous encomiums during the speeches. Thanks also to several friends who either sent messages or called me up to convey their inability to come for the event.

And once again thanks to the organizers of the entire event. For once, I never knew any trouble about anything.

I will start where I had left in a retirement function two months ago – the retirement of Senthilnathan – where I had made a mention about a youth association that was started by me along with Sendhil.  Commissioner (Appeals) madam, had, during her subsequent speech asked what was the name of that Association and whether it was ‘Varuthapadadha Valibar Sangam’. 

In his speech during the function on 31^st Mr. Nagarajan had wanted me to say how I had spent my teenage.

The reply to both the above are similar.

The youth association started by me when I had crossed 17 was called ‘Bharathi Tagore Youth Association’. It initially had the idea of involving in literary work.  A manuscript magazine was started.  Then, the idea of social work crept in and we started going to some nearby villages, planting saplings, conducting evening classes, etc.  We conducted competitions for school children and in the second year renamed our Association as ‘Yuva Bharath’.

Thereafter when I joined the AG’s when my friends were busy in making friends and getting company, I was drawn again into social activities like collecting money and materials whenever there was a fire in some slum or flood, etc.  I had joined some people who were involved in such services.  People were very generous in contributing for such cause and perhaps also because a youngster was involved in. Thereafter I got involved in conducting free coaching classes for SSC, classes for NTSE, etc and also taking classes in the Blind School.  I was also drawn into active activities in the Service Association till my leaving the AGs.  During this time I had the opportunity to get acquainted with a lot of literary works also, which has stood me in good stead through-out.

On considering the reasons for such a tendency, I would attribute it to my exposure to Scouts Movement and the NSS during my school days.

Having been exposed to the thoughts of Bharathi, Tagore, Vivekananda, VOC, Gandhi, Jayakandhan, and similar others, I had strongly felt that humans being a social animal was duty bound to take care of the social requirements more than anything else.

My entering the government job itself was only due to the compulsion of my parents who thought that I may become a nomad.  In fact, my dream was to become a journalist and spend time in social work only.

So, during my teenage, I think I jumped from Bala stavat Kreeda satha, to Vridha Stavat chintha satha’.

 

When I left the AG’s and landed up in Central Excise at Hosur, I came with an intention again only to go into the neighboring villages and try to impart knowledge particularly of the Consumer Protection Act, which I thought was very important in those days.

But thanks to our first AC Mr. John Lazar, I was pulled into supporting some of our colleagues who were ill-treated by him and eventually had to take the post in the unit level.  At this juncture I should mention the great courage and service of Ashraf sir, who was then a very senior Inspector at Hosur, awaiting his promotion as Superintendent. Unmindful of the consequences upon being promoted, he stood by us, the very raw and junior youngsters in our protests.  He subsequently took over the leadership of the Superintendents Association of Coimbatore, when the then office bearers had resigned enmasse and provided a protection to all cadres, along with Subha Rajan Madam. This, Ashraf sir did in spite of his failing health.

Once a Unit Secretary, it became my responsibility to take up the immediate issue of lack of transfer norms.  Then the rest is known to all.

Several persons who spoke on 31^st have referred to the agitations and the impetus it created to get the upgradation, etc. I should say that if Mr. Asok Kumar, then Inspector at Hosur (retired as AC from Erode) was the person behind my being projected for the post of GS of the Coimbatore Association, it was Mr. Roy Joseph who was instrumental in making me go for that agitation which brought Mr. Unnikrishnan, the then Federation President and Mr. Raja Climax, the then enfant terrible of Tamil Nadu cadres, to our premises and made the agitation go to the knowledge of the then Revenue Secretary. 

CSN Sir, Ramachandran Sir, Pastin Richard Sir and some hand full of persons were running the Association at Coimbatore with great personal commitment.  But there was no organizational structure.  This problem was there at the All India level also and continues to be so. Hope the new generation takes note.

There are several others in the cadre of Inspectors, Supdts, Drivers, Stenos, DEOs Ministerial Officers and Havildars who have been of great help in creating an atmosphere of Association in Coimbatore.  It will be difficult to name each and every one.

Later Mr. Arunasalam was the reason for my becoming the State Secretary, he himself being the President and then he along with Mr. Gnanasundram put me on the National Stage, though at that time I really had no clue as to what to do there.  I felt like I was pushed into a child marriage.

Shri. Murali had referred in his speech during the retirement function about the Land case.  I do not want to disclose the advanced stage at which it is now, thanks to the efforts by Mrs. Brinda Bhoopathy and later effectively taken up by Mr. Harish, ADC and the present Pr Commissioner.  Details are not to be disclosed for reasons one could understand.

PAP had as usual made a comment that I was antiestablishment or not.  I consider being antiestablishment a well thought out position.  JK had time and again referred to any establishment as corrupt.  Then, there is a difference between an organization and an establishment.  Once an organization loses its life and becomes mechanical, gathering in its fists the power to decide others lives alone, then it has become an establishment.  It has to be fought to be made flexible. Antiestablishment does not mean anti organization.

Kannabiran had asked me to spell out the high moments and low moments I had felt in my Association career.

When almost the entire work force of Hosur refused to meet the visiting Collector with representations for transfer as per a resolution taken there and which made that Collector who had threatened to make the tenure at Hosur as six years, to accept a two year tenure, it was a water shed moment.

When the entire cadre of Inspectors from Coimbatore to Pollachi to Erode, to Salem to Hosur walked out of offices within 15 mts of a call given by the EC, in April 1997, it was in the words of Thangavelu Sir, a moment like the French Revolution.

When the entire cadre just sat and watched without batting an eye lid or showing any signs of deference to an ADC and two JCs who were asking them to clear out of the premises when on a hunger strike and which eventually forced the CC to fly down from Chennai and sign an agreement with the Association, history was created.

The lows were felt by me when the local office bearers were not able to come out of fear psychosis, even after the administration was forced to bring me back from Chennai.

The most painful moment was when a few persons for their vested interests thwarted the move to get a zonal transfer norms arrived at when Mr. Premkumar was the CC, pretty well knowing that I had gone out to Tirunelveli on my own volition and yet they could indulge in mudslinging.

In conclusion I would like to reiterate what I used to tell my close friends.  I have never done anything for the benefit of anyone else.  I firmly believe that we indulge in any action only to benefit ourselves.  It is our duty and redemption.  I can take no claim for any correct decisions nor for any errors because when circumstances have forced my hand, I could depend only upon larger guidance.

I have also a feeling that terming ourselves as Pensioners itself gives a very negative impact as if we are no longer of any worth. We continue as social animals and have to continue to be relevant to ourselves and the society.  That is my personal feeling.

Once again I thank you all for this wonderful opportunity. Hope to stay in touch.

அந்த முகம்

அது ஒரு மலைக்கோயில்.  

நானும் எனது தாயாரும் ஒரு சிறுவனும் சென்றுள்ளோம்.  தரிசனத்திற்க்காக சென்றபோது கருவரையுண்ணுள்ளே காரிருள்.  

சுற்றிவந்து ஒரு மரத்தின் அடியில் அமர்தோம்.  

தரிசனம் கிடைக்காத ஏக்கத்தில் மீண்டும் சன்னதிக்குச்சென்றேன்.  ஒன்றும் தெரியவில்லை. இங்கு வந்து என்னது தந்தை எத்துணை வருடங்கள் தரிசனம் செய்துள்ளார், என்றபோதும் எனக்கு தரிசனம் அமையவில்லையே என்று கண்ணீர் வடித்தேன். 

திடீர் என உள்ளே ஒருவர் ஒரு தீபத்தை எடுத்து அந்த ஐயனின் முகத்தருகே காட்டினார். பிரசன்ன வதனம் கண்டேன். கண்ணீர் ஆ னந்தக்கண்ணீராக மாறியது. உள்ளம் உவகையில் கூத்தாடியது.  

அப்படியே நேராக உள்ள படி வழியே இறங்கிவிட்டேன். 

மரத்தால் ஆன அந்தப் படிகளில் ஒன்றிரண்டு உடைந்திருந்தன. ஏற முடியாது. இறங்கத்தான் முடியும்.  இறங்கிவிட்டேன். 

பிறகுதான் நினைவு வந்தது, தாயாரும் அந்தச்சிறுவனும் உள்ளே மரத்தின் அடியில் அமர்திருக்கின்றார்கள் என்று.  

இப்போது உள்ளே போகும் வாயில் மூடப்பட்டு ஓரு பெரும் கூட்டம் உள்ளே செல்லக்காத்து நின்றது.  

என்ன செய்வது என்று அறியாமல் திகைத்து நின்றேன். கனவு கலைந்தது. விடிந்துகொண்டிருந்தது.
 

Hymn to the Lord of Six faces

 

Worship oh mind, the lord of six faces
Representing the five elements and
The one that coordinates them all;
That which is valour, compassion, patience,
Providence, gnosis and the fate.

That which as the fire, lies hidden and sustains life,
As a lamp would serve to worship,
Would light up to drive away darkness
Would assume the shape of that which adopts
Would serve to cook one’s food or to make a living
Would torch and burn down that intends to destroy.

That which as water, quenches thirst,
As the rains would pour out without discrimination,
As the streams that soak the parched earth
As the rivers that never stop in their search for the eternal
As the oceans that sustain life within and without
As the tempest that would punish when provoked.

That which as mother earth, is patience personified
Provides even when ploughed and dug
Heats up and cools to keep life in tact
Makes manure even of the wastes dumped in its bosom
Contains even the vast oceans and seas
By a mere shrug can make the recalcitrant repent.

Like the air which is all pervading
Youthful ever in its gait and reach
Stokes the fire, and also puts it out
Makes the waves rise and fall
Lies even inside the hardest rocks
And chokes to kill when ill-treated.

Like the sky which covers the entire earth
Which sees all and keeps it to itself
Which can cool even the hottest when it reaches out
Where life sustains even with little air
Where clouds could roam but would not touch
Which when enraged could pour down its wrath.

Like the universe which has no limit
That allows the elements to function at will
For which heat or cold make no difference
Which is not caught in the warps of time
But which dictates every second and its subjects
And stirs not, whatever is done or not and is eternal.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A STAR WAS BORN THIS DAY

This day Narendranath who became Swami Vivekananda, the inclusive Hindu Monk was born.

Every Indian ought to remember him every day, more particularly today.

Just some reading on Swamiji and from his lectures:


Jawaharlal Nehru on Swami Vivekananda:

“I do not know how many of the younger generation read the speeches and the writings of Swami Vivekananda. But I can tell you many of my generation were very powerfully influenced by him and I think it would do a great deal of good to the present generation if they also went through Swami Vivekananda’s writings and speeches, and they would learn much from them. That would, perhaps, as some of us did, enable us to catch a glimpse of that fire that raged in Swami Vivekananda’s mind and heart and which ultimately consumed him at an early age. Because there was fire in his heart— the fire of a great personality coming out in eloquent and ennobling language— it was no empty talk that he was indulging in. He was putting his heart and soul into the words uttered.”

(From the lecture delivered at the Ramakrishna Mission, New Delhi, on 20 March 1949, on the occasion of Ramakrishna’s 114th birthday anniversary.)

“He gave us something which brings us, if I may use the word, a certain pride in our inheritance. He did not spare us. He talked of our weaknesses and our failings too. He did not wish to hide anything. Indeed he should not. Because we have to correct those failings also. Sometimes he strikes hard at us, but sometimes points out the great things for which India stood and which even in the days of India’s downfall made her, in some measure, continue to be great.
So what Swamiji has written and said is of interest and must interest us and is likely to influence us for a long time to come. He was no politician in the ordinary sense of the word and yet he was, I think, one of the great founders— if you like, you may use any other word— of the national modern movement of India, and a great number of people who took more or less an active part in that movement in a later date drew their inspiration from Swami Vivekananda.”

(From the lecture on 17 January 1963 at Ramlila Grounds (Ramlila Maidan), New Delhi, during Vivekananda’s birth centenary celebrations.

“I did not come here to tell you anything. I came here to offer my homage to Swamiji and express the hope that the people of today, of tomorrow— our countrymen, particularly our children and young men— will keep before them the example and memory of Swami Vivekananda and learn from his writings and his life.”

(From the lecture at Ramakrishna Mission, New Delhi, on 3 March 1963)

Gandhi on Swami Vivekananda:

“I have come here (Belur Math) to pay my homage and respect to the revered memory of Swami Vivekananda, whose birthday is being celebrated here today. I have gone through his works very thoroughly, and after having gone through them, the love that I had for my country became a thousand-fold. I ask you, young men, not to go away empty-handed without imbibing something of the spirit of the place where Swami Vivekananda lived and died.”

(Mahatma Gandhi at Belur Math on 30 January 1921, during Swami Vivekananda’s birthday celebration)

Rajagopalachari on Swami Vivekananda:

“Swami Vivekananda saved Hinduism and saved India. But for him we would have lost our religion and would not have gained our freedom. We therefore owe everything to Swami Vivekananda. May his faith, his courage and his wisdom ever inspire us so that we may keep safe the treasure we have received from him!”

Subash Chandra Bose on Swami Vivekananda:

“In the eighties of the last century, two prominent religious personalities appeared before the public who were destined to have a great influence on the future course of the new awakening. They were Ramakrishna Paramahansa, the saint, and his disciple Swami Vivekananda. … Ramakrishna preached the gospel of the unity of all religions and urged the cessation of inter-religious strife. … Before he died, he charged his disciple with the task of propagating his religious teachings in India and abroad and of bringing about and awakening among his countrymen. Swami Vivekananda therefore founded the Ramakrishna Mission, an order of monks, to live and preach the Hindu religion in its purest form in India and abroad, especially in America, and he took an active part in inspiring every form of healthy national activity. With him religion was the inspirer of nationalism. He tried to infuse into the new generation a sense of pride in India’s past, of faith in India’s future and a spirit of selfconfidence and self-respect. Though the Swami never gave any political message, every one who came into contact with him or his writings developed a spirit of patriotism and a political mentality. So far at least as Bengal is concerned, Swami Vivekananda may be regarded as the spiritual father of the modern nationalist movement. He died very young in 1902, but since his death his influence has been even greater.

I cannot write about Vivekananda without going into raptures. Few indeed could comprehend or fathom him—even among those who had the privilege of becoming intimate with him. His personality was rich, profound and complex and it was this personality—as distinct from his teachings and writings— which accounts for the wonderful influence he has exerted on his countrymen and particularly on Bengalees. This is the type of manhood which appeals to the Bengalee as probably none other. Reckless in his sacrifice, unceasing in his activity, boundless in his love, profound and versatile in his wisdom, exuberant in his emotions, merciless in his attacks but yet simple as a child—he was a rare personality in this world of ours. …

Swamiji was a full-blooded masculine personality—and a fighter to the core of his being. He was consequently a worshipper of Sakti and gave a practical interpretation to the Vedanta for the uplift of his countrymen. … I can go on for hours and yet fail to do the slightest justice to that great man. He was so great, so profound, so complex. A yogi of the highest spiritual level in direct communion with the truth who had for the time being consecrated his whole life to the moral and spiritual uplift of his nation and of humanity, that is how I would describe him. If he had been alive, I would have been at his feet. Modern Bengal is his creation—if I err not.

How shall I express in words my indebtedness to Sri Ramakrishna and Swami Vivekananda ? It is under their sacred influence that my life got first awakened. Like Nivedita I also regard Ramakrishna and Vivekananda as two aspects of one indivisible personality. If Swamiji had been alive today, he would have been my My guru, that is to say, I would have accepted him as my Master. It is needless to add, however, that as long as I live, I shall be absolutely loyal and devoted to Ramakrishna-Vivekananda.

It is very difficult to explain the versatile genius of Swami Vivekananda. The impact Swami Vivekananda made on the students of our time by his works and speeches far outweighed that made by any other leader of the country. He, as it were, expressed fully their hopes and aspirations. [But] Swamiji cannot be appreciated properly if he is not studied along with Sri Sri Paramahansa Deva. The foundation of the present freedom movement owes its origin to Swamiji’s message. If India is to be free, it cannot be a land specially of Hinduism or of Islam—it must be one united land of different religious communities inspired by the ideal of nationalism. [And for that] Indians must accept wholeheartedly the gospel of harmony of religions which is the gospel of Ramakrishna-Vivekananda. …

Swamiji harmonized East and West, religion and science, past and present. And that is why he is great. Our countrymen have gained unprecedented self-respect, self-confidence and self-assertion from his teachings.

The harmony of all religions which Ramakrishna Paramahansa accomplished in his life’s endeavour, was the keynote of Swamiji’s life. And this ideal again is the bed-rock of the nationalism of Future India. Without this concept of harmony of religions and toleration of all creeds, the spirit of national consciousness could not have been build up in this country of ours full of diversities.

The aspiration for freedom manifested itself in various movements since the time of Rammohun Roy. This aspiration was witnessed in the realm of thought and in social reforms during the nineteenth century, but it was never expressed in the political sphere. This was because the people of India still remained sunk in the stupor of subjugation and thought that the conquest of India by the British was an act of Divine Dispensation. The idea of complete freedom is manifest only in Ramakrishna-Vivekananda towards the end of the nineteeth century. ‘Freedom, freedom is the song of the Soul’—this was the message that burst forth from the inner recesses of Swamiji’heart and captivated and almost maddened the entire nation. This truth was embodied in his works, life, conversations, and speeches.

Swami Vivekananda, on the one hand, called man to be real man freed from all fetters and, on the other, laid the foundation for true nationalism in India by preaching the gospel of the harmony of religions.”

Rabindranath Tagore on Swami Vivekananda:

“Some time ago Vivekananda said that there was the power of Brahman in every man, that Nàràyaõa [i.e. God] wanted to have our service through the poor. This is what I call real gospel. This gospel showed the path of infinite freedom from man’s tiny egocentric self beyond the limits of all selfishness. This was no sermon relating to a particular ritual, nor was it a narrow injunction to be imposed upon one’s external life. This naturally contained in it protest against untouchability—not because that would make for political freedom, but because that would do away with the humiliation of man—a curse which in fact puts to shame the self of us all.

Vivekananda’s gospel marked the awakening of man in his fullness and that is why it inspired our youth to the diverse courses of liberation through work and sacrifice.

In India of modern times, it was Vivekananda alone who preached a great message which is not tied to any do’s and don’ts. Addressing one and all in the nation, he said : In every one of you there is the power of Brahman (God); the God in the poor desires you to serve Him. This message has roused the heart of the youths in a most pervasive way. That is why this message has borne fruit in the service of the nation in diverse ways and in diverse forms of sacrifice. This message has, at one and the same time, imparted dignity and respect to man along with energy and power. The strength that this message has imparted to man is not confined to a particular point; nor is it limited to repetitions of some physical movements. It has, indeed, invested his life with a wonderful dynamism in various spheres. There at the source of the adventurous activities of today’s youth of Bengal is the message of Vivekananda—which calls the soul of man, not his fingers.”

Now let us hear Swami Vivekananda himself:

Ay, children, to try to remedy evil is not the true way. Our philosophy teaches that evil and good are eternally conjoined, the obverse and the reverse of the same coin. If you have one, you must have the other; a wave in the ocean must be at the cost of a hollow elsewhere. Nay, all life is evil. No breath can be breathed without killing someone else; not a morsel of food can be eaten without depriving some one of it. This is the law; this is philosophy. Therefore the only thing we can do is to understand that all this work against evil is more subjective than objective. The work against evil is more educational than actual, however big we may talk. This, first of all, is the idea of work against evil; and it ought to make us calmer, it ought to take fanaticism out of our blood. The history of the world teaches us that wherever there have been fanatical reforms, the only result has been that they have defeated their own ends.


We are all beggars. Whatever we do, we want a return. We are all traders. We are traders in life, we are traders in virtue, we are traders in religion. And alas! we are also traders in love.


We get caught. How? Not by what we give, but by what we expect. We get misery in return for our love; not from the fact that we love, but from the fact that we want love in return. There is no misery where there is no want. Desire, want, is the father of all misery. Desires are bound by the laws of success and failure. Desires must bring misery. The great secret of true success, of true happiness, then, is this: the man who asks for no return, the perfectly unselfish man, is the most successful. It seems to be a paradox. Do we not know that every man who is unselfish in life gets cheated, gets hurt? Apparently, yes. “Christ was unselfish, and yet he was crucified.” True, but we know that his unselfishness is the reason, the cause of a great victory — the crowning of millions upon millions of lives with the blessings of true success. Ask nothing; want nothing in return. Give what you have to give; it will come back to you — but do not think of that now, it will come back multiplied a thousandfold — but the attention must not be on that. Yet have the power to give: give, and there it ends. Learn that the whole of life is giving, that nature will force you to give. So, give willingly.


Sooner or later you will have to give up. You come into life to accumulate. With clenched hands, you want to take. But nature puts a hand on your throat and makes your hands open. Whether you will it or not, you have to give. The moment you say, “I will not”, the blow comes; you are hurt. None is there but will be compelled, in the long run, to give up everything. And the more one struggles against this law, the more miserable one feels. It is because we dare not give, because we are not resigned enough to accede to this grand demand of nature, that we are miserable. The forest is gone, but we get heat in return. The sun is taking up water from the ocean, to return it in showers. You are a machine for taking and giving: you take, in order to give. Ask, therefore, nothing in return; but the more you give, the more will come to you. The quicker you can empty the air out of this room, the quicker it will be filled up by the external air; and if you close all the doors and every aperture, that which is within will remain, but that which is outside will never come in, and that which is within will stagnate, degenerate, and become poisoned. A river is continually emptying itself into the ocean and is continually filling up again. Bar not the exit into the ocean. The moment you do that, death seizes you. Be, therefore, not a beggar; be unattached This is the most terrible task of life! You do not calculate the dangers on the path. Even by intellectually recognising the difficulties, we really do not know them until we feel them. From a distance we may get a general view of a park: well, what of that? We feel and really know it when we are in it. Even if our every attempt is a failure, and we bleed and are torn asunder, yet, through all this, we have to preserve our heart — we must assert our Godhead in the midst of all these difficulties. Nature wants us to react, to return blow for blow, cheating for cheating, lie for lie, to hit back with all our might. Then it requires a super divine power not to hit back, to keep control, to be unattached. Every day we renew our determination to be unattached. We cast our eyes back and look at the past objects of our love and attachment, and feel how every one of them made us miserable. We went down into the depths of despondency because of our “love”! We found ourselves mere slaves in the hands of others, we were dragged down and down! And we make a fresh determination: “Henceforth, I will be master of myself; henceforth, I will have control over myself.” But the time comes, and the same story once more! Again the soul is caught and cannot get out. The bird is in a net, struggling and fluttering. This is our life. I know the difficulties. Tremendous they are, and ninety per cent of us become discouraged and lose heart, and in our turn, often become pessimists.


Now, I shall tell you a theory, which I will not argue now, but simply place before you the conclusion. Each man in his childhood runs through the stages through which his race has come up; only the race took thousands of years to do it, while the child takes a few years. The child is first the old savage man — and he crushes a butterfly under his feet. The child is at first like the primitive ancestors of his race. As he grows, he passes through different stages until he reaches the development of his race. Only he does it swiftly and quickly. Now, take the whole of humanity as a race, or take the whole of the animal creation, man and the lower animals, as one whole. There is an end towards which the whole is moving. Let us call it perfection. Some men and women are born who anticipate the whole progress of mankind. Instead of waiting and being reborn over and over again for ages until the whole human race has attained to that perfection, they, as it were, rush through them in a few short years of their life. And we know that we can hasten these processes, if we be true to ourselves.

(From the Complete Works of Swami Vivekananda)